Shyamashree Roy
Globalization has different meanings to different people. Some analysts prefer to use the more specific term ‘international economic integration’, thereby focusing on the economic and financial aspects. On the other hand, globalization has reached into political, social and cultural dimensions. Modern states need to deal with all dimensions. Globalization can usefully be thought of as a multi-dimensional process, informed by significant intensification of global inter-connectedness between the state and non-state actors.
Jeffrey Haynes in his book, Comparative Politics in a Globalizing World (2005) writes that historically globalization encompasses three inter-linked, yet distinct processes. Firstly, a global states’ system developed from the 16th century, moulded by European imperialism and colonialism. This gave rise to forms of states and governments, based on western models (whether presidential, monarchical or Marxist). Secondly, there developed at the same time, a global capitalist economy. This, arguably, divided the world into ‘core’, ‘inter-mediate’ and ‘peripheral’ economic zones or areas. In recent times, there have been not only great increases and development in international economic interactions, involving states and transnational corporations (‘economic globalization’), but also absorption and integration of the former Eastern European Communist bloc to produce a truly global capitalist economy. And thirdly, both political and economic globalization, since the 18th century, was underpinned by industrial and technological revolutions that simultaneously and collectively influenced global patterns of both industrialization and communications.
Although public references to globalization have become increasingly common, the concept itself can be traced back to a much earlier period. Its origin lie in the work of many 19th century and early 20th century intellectuals from Saint Simon and Karl Marx, to theorists of geo-politics, such as Mackinder, who recognized how modernity was integrating the world. But it was not until the 1960s and early 1970s that the term ‘globalization’ was actually used. In the context of a debate about the growing interconnectedness of human affairs, world system theory, theories of complex interdependence and the nation of globalization itself emerged as largely rival accounts of the processes through which the fact of states and peoples was becoming more intertwined.
According to David Held and McGrew, Goldblatt and Perraton in their book, ‘Global Transformations: Politics, Economics and Culture’, “…there is substantial disagreement as to how globalization is best conceptualized, how one should think about its causal dynamics and how one should characterize its structural consequences if any. A vibrant debate on these issues has developed in which it is possible to distinguish three broad schools of thought, which we will refer to as the hyperglobalizers, the sceptics and the transformationalists. In essence each of these schools may be said to represent a distinctive account of globalization – an attempt to understand and explain this social phenomenon.”
For the hyperglobalizers, globalization defines a new epoch of human history in which ‘traditional nation- states have become unnatural, even impossible business units in a global economy’ . Such a view of globalization privileges an economic logic and in its neo-liberal variant, celebrates the emergence of a single global market and the principle of global competition as the harbingers of human progress. “Hyperglobalizers argue that economic globalization is bringing about a ‘denationalization’ of economies through the establishment of transnational networks of production, trade and finance.” According to the globalists, the impersonal forces of world markets are now more powerful than the states to whom ultimate political authority over society and economy is supposed to belong. The declining authority of states is reflected in a growing diffusion of authority to other institutions and associations and to local and regional bodies. According to the globalists the nation states are increasingly becoming ‘a transitional mode of organization’ for managing economic power and political power are effectively becoming de-nationalized and diffused.
The globalists express a generally positive view and perception of globalization. This was in sync with the belief that was prevalent in early 1990s, especially the post-cold war period, that a propitious or benign ‘new-world order’ would develop, after the Cold War. It would be characterized by increased and enhanced international cooperation, integration and progress on a range of peace and development goals, an initiative directed by, but not restricted to United Nations alone. The goal and aim would be to address a wide range of enduring and perennial-political, social, economic, development, environmental, human rights and gender-concerns and injustices. Globalists believe that it is necessary to develop a range of dedicated state and non-state actors – global institutions and organizations, to address such concerns. In fact, the coming together of local groups and grass roots organizations from various parts to form an important component of transnational civil society is the key for success in this regard.
Anti-globalists, on the other hand, declare a pessimistic view of globalization, regarding it as ‘a force for oppression, exploitation and injustice’ . The skeptics or anti-globalists consider the hyperglobalists’ thesis as fundamentally flawed and also politically naïve since it under estimates the enduring power of national governments to regulate international economic activity. According to anti-globalists, the forces of internationalization themselves depend on the regulatory power of national governments to ensure continuing economic liberalization. They point out to the national governments’ growing centrality in the regulation and active promotion of cross-border economic activity. Governments are not the passive victims of internationalization but on the contrary, its primary architects. Skeptics reject the popular myth that the power of national governments or state sovereignty is being undermined today by economic internationalization or global governance (Krasner, 2001). Anti-globalists point to what any see as unwelcome consequences of globalization, including: restructuring of global trade, production and finance to disadvantage the poor; migratory and refugee movements in the developing world and the former eastern European communist bloc; international terrorism; cultural clashes exemplified both by ‘conflicts between immigrant and established communities in formerly tight-knit neighbourhoods’ (Mittleman, 1994).
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